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America’s love affair with uniformed men is problematic

What bothhad forgotten is that ultimately it is God who in the affairsof men and that the achievements of a secular ruler are made possibleonly through the common gifts of God to humanity.So God promises to bring the secular city down.

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Anyone wanting to capture the multifaceted and protracted drama of the Dreyfus Affairfor stage or screen could do worse than to make his main character neither Captain Dreyfusnor Bernard Lazare nor Emile Zola, but Lieutenant Colonel Georges Picquart. In fact, theessential role that Picquart was to play in the Affair had already been prefigured on thestage by the title character in an 1882 play by the great Norwegian dramatist, HenrikIbsen. The play is and the character is Dr. ThomasStockmann. Stockmann, a medical doctor with a scientific bent, worked in a town whoseeconomy was based on two industries, tourism derived from the region's natural mineralsprings and a tannery. In an era in which the connection between microbes and disease wasstill not widely understood, he made the discovery that a number of mysterious deathsamong the tourists had obviously (to him) resulted from pollution of the mineral springsby the tannery. The amazing power of the human mind to rationalize when objective truthand naked self-interest come into conflict furnish the wellspring, as it were, for thesubsequent dramatic tension, leading up to the title label that is ultimately affixed uponthe good doctor. Modern readers, or at least, moviegoers, will recognize that the role wasreprised, and somewhat vulgarized by the Chief Brody character in Peter Benchley's (who, in the exciting climax, teamed up with a Captain-Ahab-like character pilfered fromHerman Melville).

Fairfax County emergency worker, Richard Arthur, in a deposition taken by the committeestaff, clearly and distinctly remembered seeing an automatic pistol instead of a revolverin Foster's hand. He was so sure, and his listeners were so puzzled, that they had himdraw a picture of the pistol, which does, indeed, look like an automatic instead of a .38colt revolver.

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A: ...the Park Service Police were in this morning. They've interviewed a number of staff members about Vince's last day, and will be sort of, I think, finishing up with their look at it today here in terms of Vince's office. They're simply trying to confirm their preliminary notion that it was, in fact, a suicide.

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On July 29, 1994, a month after the release of the Fiske Report, the United StatesSenate showed that it, too, could enjoy the indulgence of having its cake and eating it,too. It would like to show that it was taking heed of the public concern over the smell ofcover-up surrounding the Foster death, but an actual, full-scale Senate investigationcould only cause problems. If it were to produce a report that concluded that there was,indeed, a cover-up, it would have fostered a major national crisis. Covering up a murderis serious business. On the other hand, if it were to conclude that it was, indeed,suicide, the Senate would have to lay out its evidence in writing, and we have alreadyseen a little of how Fiske's partial effort could be so easily picked apart. What was donewas to let the Senate Banking and Urban Affairs Committee hold a half day of show-and-tellfeaturing some of the players in the Park Police/Fiske investigations (Remember, Foster'sdeath had been tied to the Whitewater Development Corporation which was, in turn,connected to Madison Guaranty Savings and Loan. Hence, the Banking Committee hadjurisdiction.) The opening statements of the chairman and the members would make it clearthat they were not there to question whether or not Foster committed suicide. As a groupthey had no quibble with Fiske's firm conclusions. What they were there for, in fact, wasto lend their authority to the official suicide line, but in the unlikely event it were toblow up in their face, they could always say truthfully that they never reallyinvestigated it.

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There were three obvious reasons why Fiske's report should not have been immediatelyembraced as the final word on Foster's death. First, he separated his investigation intotwo parts. The second part was to be addressed to the actions of the White House staff inthe hours and days after the death. Did those actions constitute obstruction of justice,and if so, for what purpose? The report that Fiske released did not deal with thatquestion. Second, apart from the FBI lab reports already mentioned and the autopsy report,Fiske gave us very little supporting documentation for his conclusions. The Park Policereport was still held back. Fiske talked of conducting 125 interviews, but there were notranscripts of the interviews. What is at least as bad, in contrast to the Whitewater partof his investigation, he had not convened a grand jury to hear the Foster witnesses andnone of the testimony had been made under oath. The absence of the threat of a perjurycharge seriously weakened the credibility of the testimony. Fiske also told us what anumber of Polaroid photographs of the crime scene showed, but the one leaked to ABCremains the only one that the public has been permitted to see. And, in a confessed ParkPolice “blunder” that should have raised eyebrows, he admitted to the kernel oftruth in Chris Ruddy's charge about the crime scene photographs. The 35 mm photos taken bythe Park Police crime scene photographer were said to have been spoiled from under-exposure. In light of such a curious development, a critical reader had to wonder if theevidence we weren't shown really did support Fiske's conclusions.